By Bernard Weiner
For decades i've got had the gnawing wish to exhibit the wide motivational sig nificance of the attributional perception that i've got espoused and to provide absolutely the argument that this framework has earned a rightful position along different major theories of motivation. moreover, contemporary investigations have yielded insights into the attributional determinants of impact, hence delivering the impetus to embark upon an in depth dialogue of emotion and to explain the relation among emotion and motivation from an attributional viewpoint. The presentation of a unified conception of motivation and emotion is the objective of this publication. My extra particular goals within the chapters to stick with are to: 1) define the elemental princi ples that i feel signify an sufficient idea of motivation; 2) exhibit what I understand to be the conceptual contributions of the viewpoint endorsed via my col leagues and me; three) Summarize the empirical kin, achieve a few definitive con clusions, and indicate the extra equivocal empirical institutions according to hypotheses derived from our specific attribution thought; and four) make clear questions which were raised approximately this notion and supply new fabric for nonetheless extra scrutiny. In so doing, the development blocks (if any) laid down through the attributional con ception could be effortlessly pointed out and unknown juries of current and destiny friends can then larger ensure the worth of this clinical product.
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Extra resources for An Attributional Theory of Motivation and Emotion
In one method of directly probing this process, verbal protocols were collected from parole decision makers as they examined actual case history material. It was observed that, "Having established the criminal history, the expert turns to look at the characteristics of the criminal that are interpreted diagnostically as predictors of future behavior and causally as postdictors of past crimes" (Carroll & Weiner, 1982, p. 240). Spontaneous verbal reports in situations where success or failure were immediate possible outcomes were first examined by Diener and Dweck (1978), who induced children to fail at an experimental task.
A simple example taken from Heider (1958) clarifies the person-versus-environment differentiation. Assume that one has successfully rowed across a lake on a windy day. The final outcome (reaching the other side) can be perceived as due to factors within (internal to) the person (ability, effort, strength) and/or external or environmental factors (wind, waves). In a similar manner, success at a task can be conceived as due to personal factors (ability, study habits) or factors residing in the environment (an easy task, a good instructor).
3. The activated causal ascriptions differ given distinctive activities and motivational domains. For example, the causes of poverty differ from the causes of failing at an exam (although there may be some overlap in explanations, such as lack of effort). On the other hand, causal ascriptions are similar within a motivational domain. For example, the causes of failure at an exam and failure at a sporting event are alike (although there may be some unique explanations for each activity, such as physical strength, which only applies to sporting events).